Chapter 6

                            The preceding two chapters gave a sketch of what was happening in Ireland from the end of the Primary Genealogy¹, around the eleventh century, till the beginning of the nineteenth century.  The question now arising is how the Clann MagFhloinn migrated from Roscommon to the various parts of the island that we find the different branches of McGlynn inhabiting at the turn of the nineteenth century²; and how they lived.

      Roscommon was easily accessed by the Vikings in their Long boats using the Shannon waterway, and from the 840s onwards the families would have been defending themselves against this threat.  By the time of Flann, father of (104) Fhloinn, they would have been a fairly accomplished fighting unit, and it is more than probable that Fhloinn`s grandsons were involved with Brian Boru in his battles against the Leinstermen and Vikings.  In the early twelfth century their king, Torlough O`Connor, was claimant to the High kingship so their allegiance would have been easily defined.

      The thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, with the invasion of the English, saw the native Irish tenantry termed as serfs or betaghs³.  The ri-tuaithe (local kings) were by now only classed as chieftains or leaders of war bands, and had lost the security of the tribal clan lands.  The greater chiefs and those who still called themselves kings, held on to what poor scrub or woodland that they could by diplomacy or the payment of tribute to their Anglo-Norman overlords.  The action of these individuals, in their attempts to keep what power they could, gives a false indication of a general acceptance of the invaders.  Circulating during the time were prophesies in the names of various early Irish saints of a Messianic delivery, very similar to the tracts found in the Old Testament.

      The old provincial kings held on until the mid-thirteenth century but the demise of these strong leaders led to a more vigorous expansion of Anglo-Norman interest.  The Oxford Illustrated History of Ireland  refers to the Annals of Loch Ce stating that the detailed narrative of the conquest of Connacht brings to light a new element of Irish warfare in `kerns`; bands of native Irish mercenary soldiers.  Barefooted, bareheaded, and lightly armed, they roamed the countryside in groups of twenty or so; hiring themselves out to Norman or native Irish leaders for the duration of a campaign.  They remained together in organised bands during the brief intervals of peace resorting, like the `routiers` of fourteenth century France, to brigandage to support themselves.  Brigandage is of course an English notion of how they lived, much like the American colonist's view of the native Indians, or later Imperial British descriptions of native tribes that they were not inclined to understand.  Raiding for cattle, as in the Scottish Highlands, although viewed by the colonists; as indeed by the Lowlanders of Scotland; as theft, was the normal way of life of the clansman.  It was how the young men gained their manhood and proved their valour, not withstanding that it was the clan's training ground for sharpening fighting skills. 

      The fourteenth century sees the peasants and artisans of English descent migrating out of the border areas and the landlords becoming increasingly dependant on Irish tenants if they wished their lands to return a profit.

    Pictorial representation of Ceatharnaigh, which although drawn for the English market, gives a fair representation.  They are shown garbed in their Irish mantles⁴ with characteristic Irish sword.  Also in view are their `glibs` of hair, but not their scians (pointed daggers).

      It would have been during the thirteenth century that the young clansmen of the MagFhloinn formed their family units into bands of ceatharnaigh⁵ and set out to make their way in the world.  With the non-availability of land their options were limited.  Setting out these various family groups would have wandered south, north, and especially west, selling their skills.   A census in the 1600s still shows the main concentration of McGlynns in south Roscommon in the district of Ballintubber, although many scattered to the lands of the western seaboard.  They would have wandered about fighting as mercenaries until they eventually settled and married.  Some would have land granted to them that had been vacated by settlers of English descent who had left the `liberty`, either using money earned by the sword or; more likely; settled by a local chief who wished a fighting `tail` that would also make a profit for him.  These turbulant times lasted until the end of the seventeenth century and during this time they would have experienced good times, but mainly famine, deprivation, and much fighting.

      The year 1177 precipitated the movement of the Ui Fhloinn⁶ from Roscommon.  Although Rory O`Connor had been faithful to the Treaty of Windsor, Henry II of England had not and the English were looking for any exuse to expand the realm of their direct influence.  Murrough, the rebellious son of Rory, had quarrelled with his father and sought help from the English in Dublin.  The Viceroy took this opportunity and sent Milo de Cogan, a tried and tested soldier, with five hundred men to conquer West Connacht.  Cardinal Vivian; who had just presided at the Synod of Dublin to publish Aidrian`s Bull⁷; had given them authority to plunder the churches, and so they set off lightly provisioned to live off the land.  It was the Irish custom to store their provisions within the consecrated walls of churches 'to escape the rapacity of strangers`, and this Vivian condemned, allowing De Cogan to take what he required.

      The army crossed the Shannon at Athlone and marching towards Tuam they found empty villages and churches with the fields bare⁸.  The people had taken to the woods and some like (112) Fiachra, had moved their cattle and families further west⁹.  In moving westwards into the remaining Irish heartlands, Fiachra sought to have his family¹⁰ and goods secure whilst the men were off fighting.  Although this group of families moved west towards the coast to put distance between themselves and the English menace, the bulk of the MagFhloinn families returned and survived the deprivation, and insecurity that made peaceful existence unknown to the next twenty generations.

      De Cogan reached a deserted Tuam and finding no provisions, after eight days, set off back to Dublin.  His army was harassed by the Irish all the way and at Ballymoe attacked in strength, with great loss.  Amongst the prisoners taken by the Irish was Rory's son and, for his treason, with the father's consent they `put out his eyes`.  The Irish learned a valuable lesson as did the English, so much so that when Henry gave Connacht to De Burgu, he shrank from attempting conquest.

      The Annals of Loch Ce give full account of the dynastic struggles that occupied the land for the next four-hundred years, giving plenty of opportunity to fighting men, and grief for the women and children. It is a story of Irish against Irish, English against Irish, English and Irish against Irish, English against English, all looking for supremacy over a province that they were destroying in the process, and keeping in abject misery.

      The main concentration of Clann MagFhloinn; who returned to central Roscommon; did not enjoy a settled life on this the frontier of English expansion, and over the next few generations many other units of young men and family groups migrated away throughout the island.  Those remaining in the Ballintubber area were continually harassed by this army or that, plundering and murdering, as they passed through the province.  When not in hiding or suffering the effects of the devastation of the land, such as plague and famine, they tended cattle and raided over the English areas across the Shannon.  Groups of young men would hire themselves out to protect these same areas, or any district willing to pay, probably moving on to fight as a unit for some chief or lord further afield.

      Those who moved west did not fair much better and accepted a nomadic way of life, continually moving as one or other army despoiled the land and laid waste the province.  History shows that the years from 1200 till 1600 were the years of Classical Irish Literature, but what did this mean to any chief of a small family group attempting to keep his clan and cattle one step ahead of the marauding hoards that prowled the land, year after year.

      This cadet branch of Fiachra's in the west is the embryo of what by the Nineteenth century had become the most numerous¹¹ grouping of McGlynn.  During the four hundred years spent in Connacht they can be placed in the Nephin Beg Mountains of Mayo, the mountains to the west of Loch Mass, and the Galway coast, but exact locations and the duration of their stay is unknown.  There are no primary sources or folk traditions to cover this period, although the Annals of Loch Ce create a skeleton on which to view their lives and recreate how they lived.  This is therefore not a history of dates, places, and people, but a general outline of how ordinary folk survived this turbulent time.  The reader must transport themselves back and enter the world of these families struggling to survive and raise children.

 Map of Connacht showing the main physical features and places.

      The first migration from the homelands is the movement of refugees, fleeing from an advancing army set on killing and destruction.  The start of this journey in 1177 would have been along routes crowded with families transporting their belongings and driving their cattle westwards.  The countryside was densely forested and most would be heading into the woods to hide away until the invaders had passed.  Fiachra would head due west along the drove roads, away from any areas of population which would be obvious targets for the English.  Once the families had been set up in a safe refuge, it is probable that some of the men returned to keep an eye on the invaders.  They would not have travelled a great distance, with their belongings on sleds, a herd of cattle, women and children, and sundry other animals.  Forty miles would take them to the northern edge of Loch Mass and the mountains further on.

      The annals are littered with descriptions of destruction, famine, and murder.  In 1198 when de Burgo and Carragh ravaged the land from the Shannon to the sea, shortly after de Courcey had passed through robbing and plundering, the narration states that never before had the land been so affected with churches pillaged and women carried off.  Revenge was just as brutal when it came, as in 1201 when it was rumoured that de Burgo was dead.  The natives fell on the mercenaries billeted throughout the province and seven hundred were killed in cold blood.  De Burgo returned in 1203 and again laid waste the land.  The following year he plundered from Tuam to Mayo.

      In 1226 when Turlough was proclaimed king his cousin Hugh sought aid from the English, and Henry III told de Burgo to take possession of Connacht.  The viceroy gave troops to Hugh and he entered the province from the south with his uncle O'Brien of Thomond.  The viceroy and O'Mellaghlin of Meath crossed the Shannon and between them the province was again laid waste and spoiled. 

      Turlough was powerless against this mighty force and he retreated to Mayo.  The McGlynns would have been with him and some returned to move the families, meeting at the Nephin Beg Mountains.  Elements of Turlough's army continued towards the safety of the north, but were met by Hugh's army at Attymas on the Sligo borders.  The annals state that the following day the fishermen's nets were full of the bodies of infants¹².  Hugh was proclaimed king of a land that no tract of which had not been plundered and laid waste.  The harvest was left uncut and without corn or cattle, the following year famine stalked the land.

      This destruction and famine is repeated year after year, generation after generation, with passage after passage in the annals of; extreme distress, perished with hunger, a land of woe and famine, war, pestilence, and other similar descriptions.  The year 1236 sees the people left without food, raiment, or cattle, with everyman looking out for himself, plundering and destroying to stay alive.  The early 1300s have Bruce's invasion and destruction with the resulting severe famine.  The late 1300s have the O'Connors again feuding with the resultant destruction of the lands, grass, corn, cattle, and churches.  It is against this background that this group of McGlynns survived and stayed together for four hundred years.

      What made them move back to the mountains on the western shores of Loch Mass is not known, nor is the date, but it was probably for security; although this would be relative?  Why and when they moved on to the Galway coast, and how long they lived there is also unknown, but for some reason they must have felt secure¹³ enough then to live in the open.  It is more than likely that each of these moves saw some families staying behind or moving off in other directions.  They remained on the coast of Galway until the beginning of the Seventeenth century, when the bulk of them moved northwards to Donegal.                 

      Knowing roughly the areas that they inhabited, it is feasible to say something about the food they ate, the clothes they wore, the type of houses they used, and very generally re-construct their way of life¹⁴.             

      The insecurity of the period is shown by the transitory nature of the houses.  In the hills to the west the families would have had two main priorities; shelter and security, although the latter would have been relative.  Boulders and smaller rocks were piled up with earth to form walls about four feet high, the ends of which were rounded to provide strength.

       The roof was constructed from branch struts which were covered with turf, leaving a simple hole in the centre to release smoke.  Alcoves would be left in the wall to act as shelves and wooden pegs driven in for hangings.  They may have owned a chest, but other furnishings would have been unlikely.  The smaller animals, such as pigs and chickens, would be kept in the house while the cattle were left in a hidden valley.  The cabin itself would be set partially into the hill, and being made of the stones that littered the area, it would have been difficult to distinguish clearly with the naked eye.  The ability to blend in with the rocky outcrops probably accounted more for the security than the number of fighting men available.

      The clothes they wore are often described as the "produce of domestic production" which, whilst true, is slightly patronising.  Would we so describe Harris Tweed or Fair Isle produce or would we call it "hand crafted".  Each group would have experts in one field or another and there was a deal of barter between groups.  If the Irish cloak had been a luxury item from the days of Imperial Rome, and was still at this time transported many miles to Europe and Britain, it must indeed have been a fine garment.  In the 1400s and 1500s, itinerant merchants were travelling about, becoming rich, and building fortified houses in the country towns.  These Trading Houses were paying local chiefs to allow their grey merchants to purchase these "products of domestic production".

      The Irish in the west wore the ubiquitous Irish mantle to protect them against the elements, which had a parallel with the Scots plaid of their cousins, in that it also doubled as a sleeping blanket¹⁵.  Presumably there were variations of styles and different qualities of garments depending on the treatment of wool, dyes, and weaving skills.  The finer products would indicate a person's standing in the community, and would also be for export. 

      Women, who were barefooted, wore a woollen shift tied at the waist with maybe a linen undershift.  The habit of generally not wearing shoes lasted with Glasgow immigrants, from Ireland and the Highlands, into the 1920s and 30s; although British clothing had been worn by both sexes from the late Eighteenth century even at home.

      The men of the MagFhloinn wore a linen shirt or shift, and in many cases this also formed the kilt, being raised with a belt at the waist.  In some instances this would have been made from fine or course wool.  The cloth was normally dyed with the most easily available colours, which were shades of green.  Other colours were woven into a tartan type pattern, but dyes were dependant on the locally available minerals and plants, and tended to be variations of browns from reds to yellows.  Leather jerkins were worn but they also had intricately patterned waist-coats.  Contemporary accounts describe the men fighting in their bare feet although we know that they wore a simple leather brogue and styles would have changed with many influences over four hundred years.

      It is obvious from their weapons that they favoured a charge and followed this with close order combat.  They did not encumber themselves with a targe but used a scian, or dagger, with an Irish sword.  This sword appears to resemble the Roman's thrusting blade but is longer to match the weapons of the day.  When fighting from horseback they used a lance, as did foot soldiers to unseat horsemen.  As foot soldiers they could run for long distances, keeping pace with cavalry, due to the fact that they dismissed the use of heavy armour replacing it with speed and valour.

      When not fighting the men were pastoral farmers, and nominally Christian.  That they had not completely given up the old ways is seen in the beliefs, still held in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth centuries, of healing trees, wells, banshees, and other parts of a much older religion.  The Bishop of Raphoe, in the 1600s, described the native Irish as pagans.  Pastoral farming was the way of the west during this period chiefly because the stock was moveable, and if it was stolen by bandits it was easy enough to raid for replacements.  Tillage was primitive and used the spade rather than the plough.  The land in the west was poor, hilly, and full of stones, while the weather was generally wet and lacked enough sun to ripen wheat.  Oats were the main crop and they were grown on raised beds, misnamed in later years by the English as 'lazy beds'.  Even before the birth of Christ, farmers in this part of the world had developed a system to compensate for the poor soil, high rainfall, and bad drainage.  The sods were turned in on each other to form a ridge of about three feet, leaving a furrow for drainage.               

This same system, which had been used for cereals, was later used for growing potatoes when they came to Ireland. 

      The oats were ground into oatmeal and mixed with dairy produce to form cakes and blood, drained from the live animals, to produce a type of black pudding.  Root vegetables were not grown but there was still some hunting and gathering, for such things as cress, wild herbs, and berries.

      The cattle were not kept chiefly for their meat but rather for the market and their skins, at the same time providing dairy produce.  Similarly flocks of sheep were kept for their wool, whilst near the house would be hens, pigs, and goats.  In the west this turbulent era meant that all things had to be moveable at short notice and conditions were never stable enough, for any length of time, to encourage the development of arable farming.

      Famine and plague amongst men and cattle; caused by war and weather; tended to make existence precarious, and both had an effect on fertility and population in general.